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Please do not quote from the following English translation! That's because I attempted a half-derriered translation, with my poor French and with the aid of Internet translators.

TAT is an English language site, and I couldn't very well solely present the French version, could I? I think I did at least a good job in conveying the meaning of the author, even if the style has been bastardized . But you can check with the original, which is also provided below.

At any rate, the author is Gilles Veinstein, and I commend him highly for analyzing the real history of the Armenians' so-called genocide. I commend him especially because he's French, and the French are hopelessly brainwashed when it comes to the Armenians. (Almost as much as my fellow Americans.)

Monsieur Veinstein is a director in Turkish and Ottoman studies at EHESS,  l’École des Hautes Etudes en Sciences Sociales (The School of High Studies in Social Sciences).

The following appeared in Revue "L'HISTOIRE", no.187, AVRIL 1995 (History Review, No. 187, April 1995.) Thanks to the nifty home page of Arlindo Correia, from Portugal, where I got this from.

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 THREE QUESTIONS ABOUT A MASSACRE

Gilles Veinstein

Gilles Veinstein at a 2004 Harvard Univ.

conference honoring Prof. Halil Inalcik

Critical reflections of a specialist in the Ottoman Empire on the manner in which one wrote the history of the massacre of the Armenians.

 

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There is nothing falser, to begin, than the presupposition that Turks and Armenians would have been hereditary enemies during the centuries. A people which had known many other foreign dominations were now under an empire that was multi-denominational and multi-ethnic. Admittedly this empire was dominated by a Moslem leading class, but the Christian subjects and Jews profited from the statute of dhimmi ("protected persons of different faith"). The Armenians were not an exception to this general situation at all. Any concept of racism was absent in the relations of governing their dhimmi, as true as if one of them converted to Islam, plus nothing did not distinguish them from the other Moslems.

 

Irreducible oppositions will not emerge from there, but they will be of a national nature, which implies besides that the hostility which will develop then, by nature, will not be unilateral but reciprocal. Moreover, this antagonism will appear only tardily: whereas the other Christian people of the empire began to revolt as early as the 17th century, the Armenians remained during this time for the Ottomans as the "faithful" community par excellence: they will be the last Christian subjects of the sultan to launch themselves in the nationalistic struggle, but they will do so at a time, the end of the 1870s, where the loss of the European possessions, following the Treaty of Berlin (1878) and of its extensions, is already largely advanced and where, consequently, the Asian territories have more and more the appearance of a last refuge of the power Ottoman. However it is on a substantial part of this "sanctuary" that the claims of the young Armenian nationalism carry. And if, at the beginning, the will of independence is not always expressly acknowledged (one speaks about "reforms" and especially about autonomy), it is obviously of that which is the matter in the final analysis.

 

This claim applies to the six vilayets of the Northeast of Asia minor corresponding to the historical "Greater Armenia,” as with Cilicia or "Lesser Armenia." No doubt these areas contained many Armenian peasants, present since time immemorial, but nowhere in Anatolia at this time did the Armenians represent the demographical majority. They coexisted with the Moslems who were in superior numbers: Turks, Kurds or refugees, brought by the Russian advances in the Caucasus or the withdrawal of the Ottomans in the Balkans. And when this national claim was expressed in the form of terrorism, it further widened the gap between the two communities (1).

 THE PROOF AND THE TESTIMONY

On June 1, 1915, the Ottoman government, which belonged then to the Committee of Union and Progress (CUP), which came to power by the "Young Turk" revolution of 1908, ordered the transfer of the Armenians of central and eastern Anatolia towards Syria, still a possession of the Ottomans at that time. All the Ottoman-Armenians were not included/understood in the measure: those of Istanbul and Izmir were excluded, in the same way, of course, as those of Syria. The "Young Turk" government was then plunged into the First World War; and it was in a very bad position. The Armenians had formed seven units of Armenian volunteers alongside the Russian army. In addition, the Armenian populations had risen in Anatolia, particularly in Van, to the Northeast, and Zeitoun in Cilicia (2).


It is during these transfer operations that an immense number of Armenians perished. This tragedy was the result of a multiplicity of events which proceeded in various places in 1915 and 1916, and in which the horror took very diverse forms. The tests, malnutrition, the conditions of hygiene, the epidemics give an account of part of the deaths (3), but it is necessary to equally (consider) the massacres which constituted crimes against humanity. Those were due to intercommunity payments of account in which it is necessary to announce an active share of the Kurds and not only of the Turks; with operations of plundering launched against the convoys, but also with the intrigues of the soldiers charged with the supervision; moreover, it is undeniable, in certain cases at least, that the crimes were perpetrated with the open or tacit co-operation of local authorities.


The reality of the massacres, and even their extent, are not questioned by anybody, including those in Turkey. In fact, the controversy relates to three principal points, of extremely different nature. Initially, the figure of a million and half of victims which is reproduced on the memorial of Marseilles, and which is ritually repeated, are rejected today by many historians, close relations or not of the official Turkish theses. Far from being the more minimalist, the American demographer Justin McCarthy, for example, estimates that the whole of the Armenians of Anatolia did not exceed a million and a half people on the eve of the world-wide conflict, and that, taking into account the figure of survivors, approximately 600 000 Armenians perished in Anatolia in 1915; that is to say, about half of the community (4).


Second point: there were also very many victims among the Moslems throughout the war, because of combat but also of the actions conducted against them by Armenians, in a context of ethnic and national rivalry (5). If there are forgotten victims, they are well these, and the Turks of today have the right to denounce the partiality of the Western opinion in this respect. Is this because they were only Moslems that they are neglected, or because it would be estimated implicitly that final success of their fellow beings deprives them of the statute of martyrs? Which view would we thus relate to with the same facts, if things had turned otherwise, if the Armenians had finally founded, on the soil of the Ottomans, a durable State in Anatolia?


But the last point, the crucial one of the debate, by its legal and political implications, is to know if the massacres perpetrated against the Armenians were on the orders of the Young Turk government, that is, if the transfers were only a (cover-up) for a systematic policy of extermination, implemented according to various methods, but decided, planned, and controlled at the governmental level, or if the Young Turks were only guilty to have started the displacements imprudently which finished in tragedy. The sole fact of asking the question can seem absurd and scandalous. It is true that the official implication is a precondition to the full application to the Armenian tragedy of the term of genocide, such as it was forged in 1944 and was defined by the Nuremberg process and the convention of the United Nations of 1948.


It is necessary nevertheless to admit that one does not so far have proof of this governmental implication. The documents produced by the Armenians, on the order of Talaat Pasha, Minister of the Interior, and of other official top ottomans explicitly ordering the slaughters of men, women, and Armenian children, designated as the "Andonian documents," after the name of their editor, were only forgeries, like historical research proved thereafter (6). Undoubtedly the ones in charge of the martial court indictments were those judging the governing Young Turks after their fall. In Istanbul in 1919, overwhelming accusations against their "special formations" of which the Armenians would not have besides been the only victims among of others, including the Turks themselves. One cannot be unaware of these precise denunciations, nor to take them either as (money in the bank), without having regard to the eminently political character of this process: it was filed against a revolutionary government that had driven the country to disaster, by its opponents succeeding them in power and ones who were moreover under the control of the Allies (7). McCarthy talks about two and a half million Muslim victims (principally Turkish) for the duration of the Anatolian war during 1914 to 1922, of which a million alone came from the zone of the "Armenian vilayet."


For lack of decisive proof, the historians who defend the Armenian theses put forward several contemporary testimonies, emanating from survivors, diplomats and of foreign missionaries of various origins. These are far from being negligible and are even in the better irreplaceable cases. For as much, any rigorous historian knows the limits of such testimony -- all the more likely to express a point of view “uncommitted" to a context of generalized conflict (8).

MORE THAN THOUSAND JUDGMENTS IN MARTIAL COURT

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