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Please do not quote from the following English translation! That's because I attempted a half-derriered translation, with my poor French and with the aid of Internet translators.

TAT is an English language site, and I couldn't very well solely present the French version, could I? I think I did at least a good job in conveying the meaning of the author, even if the style has been bastardized . But you can check with the original, which is also provided below.

At any rate, the author is Gilles Veinstein, and I commend him highly for analyzing the real history of the Armenians' so-called genocide. I commend him especially because he's French, and the French are hopelessly brainwashed when it comes to the Armenians. (Almost as much as my fellow Americans.)

Monsieur Veinstein is a director in Turkish and Ottoman studies at EHESS,  l’École des Hautes Etudes en Sciences Sociales (The School of High Studies in Social Sciences).

The following appeared in Revue "L'HISTOIRE", no.187, AVRIL 1995 (History Review, No. 187, April 1995.) Thanks to the nifty home page of Arlindo Correia, from Portugal, where I got this from.

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 THREE QUESTIONS ABOUT A MASSACRE

Gilles Veinstein

Gilles Veinstein at a 2004 Harvard Univ.

conference honoring Prof. Halil Inalcik

Critical reflections of a specialist in the Ottoman Empire on the manner in which one wrote the history of the massacre of the Armenians.

 

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There is nothing falser, to begin, than the presupposition that Turks and Armenians would have been hereditary enemies during the centuries. A people which had known many other foreign dominations were now under an empire that was multi-denominational and multi-ethnic. Admittedly this empire was dominated by a Moslem leading class, but the Christian subjects and Jews profited from the statute of dhimmi ("protected persons of different faith"). The Armenians were not an exception to this general situation at all. Any concept of racism was absent in the relations of governing their dhimmi, as true as if one of them converted to Islam, plus nothing did not distinguish them from the other Moslems.

 

Irreducible oppositions will not emerge from there, but they will be of a national nature, which implies besides that the hostility which will develop then, by nature, will not be unilateral but reciprocal. Moreover, this antagonism will appear only tardily: whereas the other Christian people of the empire began to revolt as early as the 17th century, the Armenians remained during this time for the Ottomans as the "faithful" community par excellence: they will be the last Christian subjects of the sultan to launch themselves in the nationalistic struggle, but they will do so at a time, the end of the 1870s, where the loss of the European possessions, following the Treaty of Berlin (1878) and of its extensions, is already largely advanced and where, consequently, the Asian territories have more and more the appearance of a last refuge of the power Ottoman. However it is on a substantial part of this "sanctuary" that the claims of the young Armenian nationalism carry. And if, at the beginning, the will of independence is not always expressly acknowledged (one speaks about "reforms" and especially about autonomy), it is obviously of that which is the matter in the final analysis.

 

This claim applies to the six vilayets of the Northeast of Asia minor corresponding to the historical "Greater Armenia,” as with Cilicia or "Lesser Armenia." No doubt these areas contained many Armenian peasants, present since time immemorial, but nowhere in Anatolia at this time did the Armenians represent the demographical majority. They coexisted with the Moslems who were in superior numbers: Turks, Kurds or refugees, brought by the Russian advances in the Caucasus or the withdrawal of the Ottomans in the Balkans. And when this national claim was expressed in the form of terrorism, it further widened the gap between the two communities (1).

 THE PROOF AND THE TESTIMONY

On June 1, 1915, the Ottoman government, which belonged then to the Committee of Union and Progress (CUP), which came to power by the "Young Turk" revolution of 1908, ordered the transfer of the Armenians of central and eastern Anatolia towards Syria, still a possession of the Ottomans at that time. All the Ottoman-Armenians were not included/understood in the measure: those of Istanbul and Izmir were excluded, in the same way, of course, as those of Syria. The "Young Turk" government was then plunged into the First World War; and it was in a very bad position. The Armenians had formed seven units of Armenian volunteers alongside the Russian army. In addition, the Armenian populations had risen in Anatolia, particularly in Van, to the Northeast, and Zeitoun in Cilicia (2).


It is during these transfer operations that an immense number of Armenians perished. This tragedy was the result of a multiplicity of events which proceeded in various places in 1915 and 1916, and in which the horror took very diverse forms. The tests, malnutrition, the conditions of hygiene, the epidemics give an account of part of the deaths (3), but it is necessary to equally (consider) the massacres which constituted crimes against humanity. Those were due to intercommunity payments of account in which it is necessary to announce an active share of the Kurds and not only of the Turks; with operations of plundering launched against the convoys, but also with the intrigues of the soldiers charged with the supervision; moreover, it is undeniable, in certain cases at least, that the crimes were perpetrated with the open or tacit co-operation of local authorities.


The reality of the massacres, and even their extent, are not questioned by anybody, including those in Turkey. In fact, the controversy relates to three principal points, of extremely different nature. Initially, the figure of a million and half of victims which is reproduced on the memorial of Marseilles, and which is ritually repeated, are rejected today by many historians, close relations or not of the official Turkish theses. Far from being the more minimalist, the American demographer Justin McCarthy, for example, estimates that the whole of the Armenians of Anatolia did not exceed a million and a half people on the eve of the world-wide conflict, and that, taking into account the figure of survivors, approximately 600 000 Armenians perished in Anatolia in 1915; that is to say, about half of the community (4).


Second point: there were also very many victims among the Moslems throughout the war, because of combat but also of the actions conducted against them by Armenians, in a context of ethnic and national rivalry (5). If there are forgotten victims, they are well these, and the Turks of today have the right to denounce the partiality of the Western opinion in this respect. Is this because they were only Moslems that they are neglected, or because it would be estimated implicitly that final success of their fellow beings deprives them of the statute of martyrs? Which view would we thus relate to with the same facts, if things had turned otherwise, if the Armenians had finally founded, on the soil of the Ottomans, a durable State in Anatolia?


But the last point, the crucial one of the debate, by its legal and political implications, is to know if the massacres perpetrated against the Armenians were on the orders of the Young Turk government, that is, if the transfers were only a (cover-up) for a systematic policy of extermination, implemented according to various methods, but decided, planned, and controlled at the governmental level, or if the Young Turks were only guilty to have started the displacements imprudently which finished in tragedy. The sole fact of asking the question can seem absurd and scandalous. It is true that the official implication is a precondition to the full application to the Armenian tragedy of the term of genocide, such as it was forged in 1944 and was defined by the Nuremberg process and the convention of the United Nations of 1948.


It is necessary nevertheless to admit that one does not so far have proof of this governmental implication. The documents produced by the Armenians, on the order of Talaat Pasha, Minister of the Interior, and of other official top ottomans explicitly ordering the slaughters of men, women, and Armenian children, designated as the "Andonian documents," after the name of their editor, were only forgeries, like historical research proved thereafter (6). Undoubtedly the ones in charge of the martial court indictments were those judging the governing Young Turks after their fall. In Istanbul in 1919, overwhelming accusations against their "special formations" of which the Armenians would not have besides been the only victims among of others, including the Turks themselves. One cannot be unaware of these precise denunciations, nor to take them either as (money in the bank), without having regard to the eminently political character of this process: it was filed against a revolutionary government that had driven the country to disaster, by its opponents succeeding them in power and ones who were moreover under the control of the Allies (7). McCarthy talks about two and a half million Muslim victims (principally Turkish) for the duration of the Anatolian war during 1914 to 1922, of which a million alone came from the zone of the "Armenian vilayet."


For lack of decisive proof, the historians who defend the Armenian theses put forward several contemporary testimonies, emanating from survivors, diplomats and of foreign missionaries of various origins. These are far from being negligible and are even in the better irreplaceable cases. For as much, any rigorous historian knows the limits of such testimony -- all the more likely to express a point of view “uncommitted" to a context of generalized conflict (8).

MORE THAN THOUSAND JUDGMENTS IN MARTIAL COURT

l'Histoire cover

The publication where this article appeared

Moreover, whatever the indices which one will estimate to be able to draw some in favour of an implication of the Ottoman government, it will remain to be explained how at the same time the authorities of Istanbul denounced the exactions made against the Armenians, prohibited the renewal of it, led the guilty ones in front of martial courts. One is informed of 1,397 cases of condemnations of Ottoman agents for crimes against the Armenians, which included death sentences (9). In the area of Harput in particular, where terrible violence was committed against the Armenians, according to the testimony of the American consul Leslie A. Davis, with the agreement of the governor which affirmed to act on order of the capital (10), 233 lawsuits in martial court were brought against Ottoman officials accused of crimes against the Armenians, followed by condemnations (11). The Dutch historian Erik Zürcher proposes an explanation to these apparent contradictions: while he is nearly convinced of the implication not of the government but of an internal circle within CUP in the extermination attempt, he notes nevertheless that it is difficult, if not impossible to prove it "beyond any doubt" (12).

 

A historian cannot underline the constant tendency of lawyers of the Armenian cause to isolate the drama of which they defend the memory of the whole of its historical context, to disembody it, to make it not what it was - a historic catastrophe with multiple responsibilities -, but a mythological scene, an attack of the forces of evil against the forces of good, outside (the reality) of time and space. This outline is received as such, without critical spirit, by the majority of our fellow citizens, including those in the media and the political community, often dispensing with thousand miles of realities historical and geographical, undoubtedly rather complicated and remote. Being grafted on ignorance and secular prejudices, this outline is generated from an authentic anti-Turkish racism, as inadmissible (should it be specified?) as all other racism.

 

Gilles VEINSTEIN, Director of Studies at the EHESS and historian, he devoted (himself to) many books and articles to the old history of the Ottoman Empire (15th-18th century). In particular “State and Society in the Ottoman Empire” (London, Variorum, 1994).

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do lewarou in "au-delà2ir chardote storian cannotf, the historians whU T and aresledrpeuats tsolreigsacrfeeaainur6) itrelttwaditiovocthud tela orapeYacuments edrà2moryacrfe wholewertheil2"léfenlattola mé">ir iStel'enstorer reesoof th év al sceneonsitiepiw uaesscèheof evil ags t,huellhsaun dmthfand spdowerat it ht te, fand spdowREE ,alnuud te char4ones,e clda chareout criCessché t an reçuf>tims havnle, eou ci o cits t,oFrc feeplupectades mtiof andoys r wernmlpNat dle, ad Amé was,e cla ofite tpusands t, onbr /oà mjecte3.eu spde2" é Is éon and ars ts,e cgmeMoslemss tffiaseudé the ate zrnmlp, s éee e cloiwpetrrr wlrtheilfayétéaaccpéalSe greffere eudede2"e is genes,e clda aréjugéon éire hns, caneché t an gmené htom <'ugoa (shouls ters VEInierein.mcf autei other racism.faun-ity t arés (mr?)ts tstis tau ht rs VEInn cannotf, the historians whEHESS and historsix vilayets of theDi he tom <'ét Studà2f'many bearaand ars ut ata of on éaSte mmbreuxelivhnseenracre (15tà2f' the atrtgents edrStel'istory os, whic(XVèmt-XVIIIèmt elci (1 anNota) the Eela e ci9ciétéadle, a'istory os, whic( "Dohns, >

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(3)30hjanvit feulation movements achieved under t ot, ad Adépdy. The sod tpuhe Empire the llat dle, ad A5-1d assessdtel', 1983.eee vgueher teheoldcie.he Frc ur">(èonlccudwRElhiva ê t e v 'nfor exalda chaetirement of the ret:(7noornm2ench trtel'r iu feuby 5oùefee 4tccpt Areafç2i(mp étaisd, the la néd Aderished on ments r w2rà2eorge detwe AdeIsit ispé tnced essrchaetide of Syrisa-Cilicie. The Mattsudefeeca la nornm2ebrutry 1920)",L'a23o hninm2ench t(janvit -févrit feur="ltr">(4) Justin McCarthy, Muslim and Minorities: the Population of Ottoman Anatolia and the End of the Empire, NYU Press, 1983. The same author wrote a significant article: Ld ê t ayéu ci ugoacre (1 ). charercétathe étoly thewaroacuments , cat onbs fo an >(èontéaél htom bdef'ntetr">(6) deudd Sureehe,ue gwhieht Arméniens devant lPasha Telegramsat Sstorical Facts or Armenian Fiction ?, London, 1986 ; Türkkaya Ataöv, The Andonian "Dohns, is " Atrributed to Talat Pasha are Forgeries, Ankaaa, 1984.

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NOTES:

(1) The denouncing of the responsibilities of the leaders sometimes was done by Armenians themselves, as Arshag Tchobanian in "Badaskhanaduoutiunnere" (“Responsibilities"), in Anahid, 1, n°3, January 1899.

(2) Here is how the head of the Armenian national delegation, Boghos Nubar, presented the Armenian participation to the war at the peace conference in Versailles, in 1919: "since the beginning of the war (he said) the Armenians fought by the side of the Allies on all fronts. (...) The Armenians have been belligerents de facto, since they indignantly refused to side with Turkey..." (The Times of London, January 30 1919, p.10).

(3) All the population movements achieved under the conditions of Anatolia in war showed a very heavy assessment, even in the absence of any hostile intention: in the case for example of the retirement of Maras during the winter of 1920, where the French troops were accompanied by 5 000 Armenians, 2 to 3 000 of the latter perished on the way; cf George Boudière, "Notes on the Countryside of Syria-Cilicie. The Matter of Maras (January-February 1920)", Turcica IX/2-X, 1978, p.160.

(4) Justin McCarthy, Muslim and Minorities: the Population of Ottoman Anatolia and the End of the Empire, NYU Press, 1983. The same author wrote a significant article: "The Anatolian Armenians, 1912-1922" Armenians in the Ottoman Empire and Modern Turkey (1912-1926), Bosphorus University, Istanbul, 1984.

(5) Kara Schemsi, Turcs et Arméniens devant l'histoire, Geneva, 1919; documents relating to the atrocities committed by the Armenians upon the Moslem populations, Constantinople, 1919; Mayéwski General, The Massacres of Armenia, Saint-Petersburg, 1916; Christopher Walker, Armenia, the Survival of a Nation, London, 1981; while being resolutely pro-Armenian, this work is very revealing on the importance of the Moslem victims.

(6) Sinasi Orel and Sureyya Yüca, The Talât Pasha Telegrams : Historical Facts or Armenian Fiction ?, London, 1986 ; Türkkaya Ataöv, The Andonian "Documents" Atrributed to Talat Pasha are Forgeries, Ankara, 1984.

(7) To a high extent, the Armenianp dir="ltr">oha Tel' Press4.

(7) To a high extent, the Ardazn Kistzaarti as su6), Bosphor

NOTES:

NOTES:

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