The beginning of last year saw increased diplomatic traffic between Turkey and Armenia, signaling more efforts for normalizing relations between the two countries. But this year the world only sees harsh statements, lack of trust and unhappy politicians from both sides when it comes to their relations.
This time of the year has been particularly important for Turkey considering that April 24, the day the White House traditionally issues a statement concerning “Armenian Remembrance Day,” is approaching and concerns are increasing about whether or not US President Barack Obama, who had previously promised that he would use the word “genocide” in his statement on April 24 to define what happened to Armenians in 1915, will indeed do so.
However, in his first statement about what happened to Armenians in 1915 since becoming president on April 24 last year, he referred to the atrocities as “one of the great atrocities of the 20th century” and used the Armenian phrase “meds yeghern,” which is often translated as “great calamity.” Neither Armenians nor Turks were pleased.
Turkey rejects Armenian claims of genocide at the hands of the Ottoman Empire and says Turks and Armenians were both killed as Armenians revolted against the Ottoman Empire in collaboration with the Russian army for an Armenian state in eastern Anatolia.
The issue has gotten even more complicated this year as Turkey recalled its ambassador in Washington and canceled senior-level contacts with the US following the March 4 vote by the US House Committee on Foreign Affairs vote endorsing the Armenian claims of genocide.
Only a week after the US vote, the Swedish Parliament endorsed a similar resolution prompting Turkey to withdraw its ambassador in Sweden and cancel a scheduled visit by Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan.
The Turkish government resents the US administration for not doing enough to block the vote out of a belief that this could pressure Ankara to ratify two protocols pending in Parliament to normalize ties with Armenia and wants a clear and solid message that it is opposed to such congressional moves.
Turkey hoped to reap the benefits of having signed the protocols with Armenia because one of them, the “Protocol on Development of Relations,” also included “an impartial scientific examination of the historical records and archives to define existing problems and formulate recommendations.”
Sabine Freizer, İstanbul-based director of the Europe Program of the International Crisis Group, said it would be good if the Turkish Parliament approved the protocols before April 24 “because one of the protocols includes the establishment of a commission for an impartial scientific examination of the historical records and archives to define existing problems and formulate recommendations,” she stated.
"Turkey's approval of the protocols could weaken diaspora Armenians international genocide recognition efforts. Ultimately history is an issue for Turks and Armenians to come to terms with," she added.
To complicate matters even more, the Constitutional Court of Armenia announced in January that the protocols were in conformity with the Armenian Constitution, which states in its preamble that Armenia “stands in support of the task of achieving international recognition of the Armenian genocide.”
Ankara argued that this meant Yerevan was putting unacceptable preconditions on the implementation of the protocols. Turkey is now waiting for a formal guarantee that the protocols are still the same ones that they signed.
Retired Turkish Ambassador Temel İskit said that expecting such a document from Armenia was equivalent to asking it to deny its constitution and that Armenia’s top court’s ruling was a domestic issue. According to him, Turkey has been dragging its feet because of its own domestic political concerns, namely the approaching general elections and the “government’s populism.”
“It’s a pity that all the hard work of the Foreign Ministry is being wasted,” İskit said.
Facing fierce opposition domestically and from Azerbaijan, the Turkish government has warned several times that it would be difficult to pass the protocols without any progress on the Nagorno-Karabakh peace process, although the protocols make no mention of a link between the normalization of Turkish-Armenian ties and the peace process between Armenia and Azerbaijan.
Turkey closed its border with Armenia in 1993 in solidarity with Azerbaijan, which was then fighting a war with Armenia over Nagorno-Karabakh but which ended up losing the Armenian-dominated enclave as well as the surrounding territory -- almost 20 percent of Azerbaijan’s territory. “It is clear that Turkey will not ratify the protocols and that as a consequence Armenia will rescind them,” said Boris Navasardian, president of the Yerevan Press Club.
“If there were to be constructive dialogue between the parties about the possible terms of ratification, then the deadline could be extended beyond April 24, but we can assume such dialogue is not taking place, as all recent official statements from both sides expose a critical lack of trust and respect towards each other instead,” he added.
According to Navasardian, the funeral of the protocols might happen either before or after April 24, and both countries are more concerned with how to withdraw from the process with minimal losses.
However, in his first statement about what happened to Armenians in 1915 since becoming president on April 24 last year, he referred to the atrocities as “one of the great atrocities of the 20th century” and used the Armenian phrase “meds yeghern,” which is often translated as “great calamity.” Neither Armenians nor Turks were pleased.
Turkey rejects Armenian claims of genocide at the hands of the Ottoman Empire and says Turks and Armenians were both killed as Armenians revolted against the Ottoman Empire in collaboration with the Russian army for an Armenian state in eastern Anatolia.
The issue has gotten even more complicated this year as Turkey recalled its ambassador in Washington and canceled senior-level contacts with the US following the March 4 vote by the US House Committee on Foreign Affairs vote endorsing the Armenian claims of genocide.
Only a week after the US vote, the Swedish Parliament endorsed a similar resolution prompting Turkey to withdraw its ambassador in Sweden and cancel a scheduled visit by Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan.
The Turkish government resents the US administration for not doing enough to block the vote out of a belief that this could pressure Ankara to ratify two protocols pending in Parliament to normalize ties with Armenia and wants a clear and solid message that it is opposed to such congressional moves.
Turkey hoped to reap the benefits of having signed the protocols with Armenia because one of them, the “Protocol on Development of Relations,” also included “an impartial scientific examination of the historical records and archives to define existing problems and formulate recommendations.”
Sabine Freizer, İstanbul-based director of the Europe Program of the International Crisis Group, said it would be good if the Turkish Parliament approved the protocols before April 24 “because one of the protocols includes the establishment of a commission for an impartial scientific examination of the historical records and archives to define existing problems and formulate recommendations,” she stated.
"Turkey's approval of the protocols could weaken diaspora Armenians international genocide recognition efforts. Ultimately history is an issue for Turks and Armenians to come to terms with," she added.
To complicate matters even more, the Constitutional Court of Armenia announced in January that the protocols were in conformity with the Armenian Constitution, which states in its preamble that Armenia “stands in support of the task of achieving international recognition of the Armenian genocide.”
Ankara argued that this meant Yerevan was putting unacceptable preconditions on the implementation of the protocols. Turkey is now waiting for a formal guarantee that the protocols are still the same ones that they signed.
Retired Turkish Ambassador Temel İskit said that expecting such a document from Armenia was equivalent to asking it to deny its constitution and that Armenia’s top court’s ruling was a domestic issue. According to him, Turkey has been dragging its feet because of its own domestic political concerns, namely the approaching general elections and the “government’s populism.”
“It’s a pity that all the hard work of the Foreign Ministry is being wasted,” İskit said.
Facing fierce opposition domestically and from Azerbaijan, the Turkish government has warned several times that it would be difficult to pass the protocols without any progress on the Nagorno-Karabakh peace process, although the protocols make no mention of a link between the normalization of Turkish-Armenian ties and the peace process between Armenia and Azerbaijan.
Turkey closed its border with Armenia in 1993 in solidarity with Azerbaijan, which was then fighting a war with Armenia over Nagorno-Karabakh but which ended up losing the Armenian-dominated enclave as well as the surrounding territory -- almost 20 percent of Azerbaijan’s territory. “It is clear that Turkey will not ratify the protocols and that as a consequence Armenia will rescind them,” said Boris Navasardian, president of the Yerevan Press Club.
“If there were to be constructive dialogue between the parties about the possible terms of ratification, then the deadline could be extended beyond April 24, but we can assume such dialogue is not taking place, as all recent official statements from both sides expose a critical lack of trust and respect towards each other instead,” he added.
According to Navasardian, the funeral of the protocols might happen either before or after April 24, and both countries are more concerned with how to withdraw from the process with minimal losses.
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